Time to Prepare for Young Status
            Hearings: What Led People to Cast Votes Against the Only Constitutional
            Options Available to Puerto Rico which Were on the Ballot?
            The principal word out of Washington has come from Chairman
            Don Young (R-AK)) of the House Resources Committee which oversees
            the territories. He announced the day after the plebiscite that
            he intends to hold hearings to evaluate the December 13th vote
            in early 1999 when the 106th Congress takes office. 
            Young indicated that "although statehood received the
            highest vote, the fact that 50.3% checked 'None of the Above'
            reflects the diverse opinions of the 3.8 million US citizens
            on the island, a significant level of confusion and their inability
            to resolve an issue which costs American taxpayers over $10 billion
            each year. 
            "I see statehood and separate sovereignty as acceptable
            alternatives for Congress," the Alaska Republican, whose
            state entered the Union in 1959, said. "Because 'None of
            the Above' received the majority vote, I intend to conduct oversight
            hearings to see what led people to cast votes against the only
            constitutional options available to Puerto Rico which were on
            the ballot." -CARIBBEAN BUSINESS
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      Arizona voters narrowly approved one sweeping initiative that
      barred Arizona state workers from using any language other than
      English while on the job or while performing official duties. 
      The Arizona Supreme Court declared that the law violates constitutional
      free-speech and equal-protection rights. Last week, the U.S.
      Supreme Court let stand that state court ruling without comment. 
      What else was left to say? 
      English's dominance as the world's premier language for trade,
      finance and political discourse won't be damaged one iota. And
      the United States will be ever stronger for such freedom. -Myriam
      Marquez, ORLANDO SENTINEL 
      
      What Do The Results Mean For Congress
      In The Long Term? 
      Both the 1993 and 1998 plebiscites were conducted
      under local law after Congress failed to approve federal plebiscite
      legislation defining the available choices to achieve a permanent
      status. 
      In the absence of a clear congressional policy on the status
      of Puerto Rico, many voters apparently remain unwilling to choose
      among legally recognized status options. However, the 1998 plebiscite
      results -- in contrast to 1993 -- do not let Congress off the
      hook by endorsing an unrealistic and implausible definition of
      commonwealth that Congress can simply ignore. 
      Instead, the 1998 "None of the Above" vote demonstrates
      that the self-determination process for Puerto Rico will remain
      inert until Congress authorizes a federal plebiscite which defines
      for the voters the terms for statehood, separate sovereignty
      or continuation of the current status under the territorial clause
      powers of Congress. 
      Congressional Sponsored Plebiscite
      Necessary 
      The 1998 plebiscite confirms the need for Congress
      to ascertain the will of the people of Puerto Rico among options
      Congress is willing to consider. This can be accomplished only
      if Congress sponsors a referendum under Federal law and informs
      the voters of the terms for continuing the current status or
      changing to a new status. 
      
      SAN JUAN, Puerto Rico - The people of Puerto Rico are divided.
      Congress won't take a stand. How can Puerto Rico resolve its
      decades- old debate over political status with the United States? 
 
      Resolving the status problem seems locked in a chicken-and-egg
      bind. 
 
      In San Juan, voters look to Washington to spell out terms for
      Puerto Rico to become a state, enhance its current commonwealth
      or go independent. Voters want Congress to guarantee it will
      implement the winning choice. 
 
      But in the 100 years since U.S. troops invaded Puerto Rico during
      the Spanish-American War, Congress has never detailed the options
      for Puerto Rico or authorized islanders to choose. 
      In Washington, politicians look first to Puerto Ricans to
      decide. 
      U.S. leaders say it's too complex to spell out details first.
      And they have little incentive to take on the difficult task. 
 
      The stalemate costs time, energy and money in San Juan and Washington,
      with no end in sight for a political relationship that many describe
      as the world's biggest colony or an island in limbo. -OSCEOLA
      SENTINEL 
      
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             The best tribute we could render De Hostos
            today is to achieve what he sought 100 years ago and was ignored
            by Puerto Rican political sectors at the time. That is, set aside
            personal ambitions, grudges, bitterness, calumnies, vicious personal
            attacks, distortion of facts, lies, and unfounded fear and false
            nationalism, which flooded our political scenario during the
            campaign leading to the December 13, 1998 status consultation.
            Instead, let's keep in mind De Hostos' legacy to think intelligently
            so as to achieve among us the unity and harmony in an embrace
            of reconciliation so we could reach a consensus among us to ask
            the 106 U.S. Congress this year to approve legislation establishing
            a process under which we, in the exercise of our right to self-determination,
            can vote in a status referendum for viable, legitimate and realistic
            decolonization status options... But what cannot be included
            as a decolonization option is our present status (which is the
            problem) and a free association option like the one included
            in the December 13 status consultation, which was bound to be
            unacceptable to the U.S. Congress... By the same token, the plebiscite
            cannot include as an option the announced new definition of the
            commonwealth status which is the best of two worlds, already
            rejected by the U.S. Congress. -Guillermo Moscoso
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      Dr. José Celso Barbosa, in order to
      cement the ideal of Puerto Rican statehood, founded the Puerto
      Rican Republican Party ("Partido Republicano Puertorriqueño")
      on July 4th, 1899. The Republican Party obtained the legislative
      majority from 1900 to 1904. It had the difficult and delicate
      task of adopting the American political system to the colonial
      reality of the island. 
      During those four years, the legal foundations
      for 20th Century Puerto Rico were approved. The most significant
      legislation included: trial by jury; writ of habeas corpus; beginnings
      of the first labor legislation; freedom of religion, speech and
      the press; the political, civil, penal, criminal and procedural
      codes; tax law; the new electoral law which granted a vote to
      the illiterate; Spanish and English as official languages; the
      establishment of the public school system, and scholarships to
      study in the United States; the establishment of industrial schools
      and the University of Puerto Rico; the position of official historian
      of Puerto Rico; and the creation of the island police force. 
      For Barbosa, "Americanization" was
      not incompatible with island patriotism, but rather it was the
      vital instrument by which to obtain social justice and economic
      progress. For him, political unity with the United States did
      not imply dissolving the cultural personality of the Puerto Rican
      people. Political assimilation was not synonymous with cultural
      assimilation. He was convinced that Calderón's native
      tongue could coexist with that of Shakespeare, thus creating
      a more educated and dynamic people. -Gonzalo F. Cordova 
      
      Make no mistake about it, the prospect of
      federal taxation for Puerto Rico's elite, not the voter's preference
      for the status quo tipped the scales against an outright statehood
      triumph on December 13th. Paying little or no taxes under the
      porous Hacienda collection apparatus, the wealthy five percent
      among us feared the efficiency of the Internal Revenue Service
      more than they fancied commonwealth. 
      For having artfully raised the specter of
      federal taxation as the curse of statehood, commonwealth advocates
      have rubbed the noses of American taxpayers in the more than
      $10 billion yearly Puerto Rican subsidy, inviting re-evaluation
      of the "something for nothing" philosophy that has
      served as the PDP's underpinning over these past 45 plus years. 
      Washington will take away our "free lunch"
      as Young and his congressional colleagues investigate the implications
      and causes of the 'None of the Above' results. Spurred on by
      their stateside constituents legislation will almost certainly
      be introduced and passed to make us carry our own weight fiscally. 
      Once having achieved the dubious distinction
      of first class US citizenship tax-wise -- thanks to the PDP,
      full and equal American citizenship as residents of the fifty-first
      state will almost certainly soon follow thereafter as sure as
      night follows day. -Miriam Ramirez de Ferrer 
      
      The recent referendum in Puerto Rico was
      supposed to set the course for the island's political future.
      Instead, the vote left the outlook for the Caribbean island as
      cloudy as a stormy sky. 
      [T]he ballot was so crowded with options
      and the various parties ran such negative campaigns, it should
      not be surprising that disgusted citizens lodged a protest vote
      in a contest they recognized would be meaningless. 
      Congress should approve another referendum
      , this one binding and including only viable options. "None
      of the above" does nothing to resolve the island's future.
      -THE TAMPA TRIBUNE, Editorial 
      
      Washington -- Nothing in the current US-Puerto
      Rico relationship would prevent Congress from levying federal
      taxes in Puerto Rico under commonwealth, the Congressional Research
      Service's constitutional expert said. 
      "Congress has full powers to tax the
      US territories and there is nothing special under commonwealth
      relationship to stop it," said John Killian, who often writes
      opinions for Congress on Puerto Rico. "Taxation without
      representation is just a slogan. There is nothing in the Constitution
      about it," Killian said. 
      [A] "trend" may be building here
      to get Puerto Rico to contribute to the federal treasury... [as]
      federal officials here ask why the island is receiving some $10
      billion yearly in federal funds without contributing to the federal
      treasury. -Robert Friedman, THE SAN JUAN STAR 
      
      After four centuries of colonialism under
      Spain, and a century and three days after the signing of the
      Treaty of Paris of Dec. 10, 1898, we expected a decision in favor
      of decolonization. 
      Each of the options on the plebiscite ballot
      was to confer dignity, liberty and pride on all Puerto Ricans.
      But each of the three status formulas implied the assumption
      of certain duties and responsibilities. 
      Unfortunately, 50% of the voters decided
      not to decide. Puerto Rico decided not to decide. The decision
      is now up to Washington. -Neftali Fuster
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